Kasus penganiayaan terhadap TKI semakin merajalela. Akhir-akhir ini tentu kita sering mendengar tentang kasus penganiayaan terhadap TKW asal Indonesia di Arab Saudi, Sumiati. Banyak pihak yang mempertanyakan tanggapan dan sikap yang harus di ambil pemerintah saat ini, tetapi nihil. Meski sudah di desak oleh banyak kalangan, tetap saja belum ada tindakan yang berarti. Kita ini seperti negara tanpa pemimpin, ada pemerintah tetapi tidak punya pemimpin.
Pengamalan HAM dan tingkat kepedulian Presiden terhadap kasus ini memang sangat minim. Padahal entah sudah berapa triliun devisa yang di hasilkan oleh para TKI. Mereka bukanlah mesin ATM. Mereka bukan properti, melainkan manusia yang tidak seharusnya diperlakukan seperti benda mati.
Kini SBY didesak untuk segera menjadwalkan kunjungan ke Arab Saudi untuk bertemu dengan Raja Arab Saudi. Beliau diminta langsung menagih komitmen kerajaan Arab Saudi dalam hubungan kerjasama di bidang ketenagakerjaan dengan Indonesia. Dan apabila kerajaan Arab Saudi tidak melakukan tindakan dalam menetralisir kasus ini, maka Indonesia berhak membawa permaalahn ini ke Mahkamah Internasional.Sayang pemerintah kita terkesan lamban seakan tak perduli dengan hak dan martabat para TKI.
Tahun ini ada 3 TKI yang akan dihukum mati di Malaysia dan kalau tidak salah setelah Idul Adha ini juga akan ada yang dieksekusi di Arab Saudi. Saya tidak melihat Presiden SBY melakukan diplomasi tingkat tinggi. Meski sudah tersedia UU No 39/2004 yang merupakan pedoman atas semua mekanisme penempatan TKI. Untuk membenahinya perlu meratifikan Konvesi PBB tahun 1990 tentang perlindungan buruh migran dan anggota keluarganya. Indonesia baru menandatangani pada 2004, dan hingga kini belum juga meratifikasinya.
Hal yang berlainan terlihat pada masa kepemimpinan Presiden Gus Dur. Setelah reformasi ada beberapa kasus ekstrem bagi buruh migran, dan hanya pada pemerintahan Presiden Gus Dur bersikap tegas dan berani. Dulu ada 2 TKI yakni di Arab dan Mesir akan dieksekusi mati, saat akan dieksekusi, Presiden Gus Dur langsung menelpon Pemerintah Arab.
Banyak pihak yang sangat menyayangkan sikap plin-plan dari presiden kita kini. Meski sudah sering menerima berbagai desakan bahkan kecaman selalu ada beribu alasan yang terlontar dari orang nomor satu di Indonesia ini.
INFO : detik.com
Kamis, 18 November 2010
Senin, 15 November 2010
Negara Berduka, Pejabat Hura-Hura, Presiden Sambut Tamu Negara, Rakyat Merana
Tentu kita semua tau berbagai bencana yang menimpa Indonesia, mulai dari banjir bandang di wasior, tsunami, dan yang masih terjadi hingga kini yaitu gunung meletus. Di saat-saat genting seperti ini tentu para korban sangat memerlukan perhatian dari pemimpinnya. Tetapi kenyataan justru berkata lain. Bisa-bisanya Presiden kita malah sibuk melayani tamu negara lain, Barrack Obama. Semua akses jalan yang akan dilalui Presiden AS ini ditutup. Jakarta lumpuh total, hingga bagian jalan lain juga kena jatah macet. Hal ini sangat mengegerkan rakyat dan sontak membuat kita geleng-geleng kepala. Kok bisa ya? yaa..begitulahh Indonesia. Sungguh tak ada nurani dan cukup memalukan menurut saya. Beberapa keluhan lain turut dilontarkan rakyat. Tetapi apakah memperoleh tanggapan?? tentu tidak!
Memang SBY sudah beberapa kali melakukan kunjungan ke Yogyakarta untuk memantau para korban. Tetapi nyatanya pendistribusian bantuan pun belum terjadi merata. Bahkan beberapa korban mengaku menerima perkataan kasar dari beberapa anggota TNI, hingga akhirnya mereka nekat kembali ke rumah masing-masing dan meninggalkan posko pengungsian. Mana tanggung jawab presiden?? Bukankah kita merupakan negara HAM yang memiliki asas Bhinneka Tunggal Ika?? Memang secara teoritis segala hal yang telah ditetapkan di Indonesia sudahlah baik. Mulai dari Pancasila hingga berbagai UU. Tapi mana penerapannya?? Percuma berteriak-teriak merdeka apabila itu hanya dijadikan simbol kedaulatan para penguasa. Seluruh rakyat membutuhkan kemerdekaan yang sesungguhnya, dimana hal-hal yang menyangkut kesejahteraan rakyat dapat dijamin oleh negara. Tetapi yang tercermin malah kesibukan masing-masing orang demi kepentingan pribadi. Penerapan integrasi di Indonesia benar-benar 0 besar.
Hal lain datang dari studi banding yang dilakukan oleh para anggota DPR. Bisa-bisanya mereka menghabiskan ratusan juta rupiah hanya untuk hal yang dapat dilakukan di dalam negara. Ditengah rintihan korban bencana, masih sempat-sempatnya mereka berhura-hura. Tak sadarkah mereka, uang siapa yang mereka pakai untuk berfoya-foya?? sungguh tak habis pikir, bisa-bisanya mereka haha hihi di negara orang sedangkan rakyat disini berteriak-teriak minta tolong. Apakah anda-anda sekalian tidak malu dengan negara lain yang memberikan sumbangan kepada negara ini? Cukup mengherankan memang. Entah urat malunya sudah putus atau apa saya tidak tau.
Apabila dilihat dari berbagai kasus yang menimpa Indonesia sejak dulu, sungguh terlihat birokrasi yang anjlok. Semuanya hanya didasarkan pada harta dan status sosial.
BY : NERISSA
Memang SBY sudah beberapa kali melakukan kunjungan ke Yogyakarta untuk memantau para korban. Tetapi nyatanya pendistribusian bantuan pun belum terjadi merata. Bahkan beberapa korban mengaku menerima perkataan kasar dari beberapa anggota TNI, hingga akhirnya mereka nekat kembali ke rumah masing-masing dan meninggalkan posko pengungsian. Mana tanggung jawab presiden?? Bukankah kita merupakan negara HAM yang memiliki asas Bhinneka Tunggal Ika?? Memang secara teoritis segala hal yang telah ditetapkan di Indonesia sudahlah baik. Mulai dari Pancasila hingga berbagai UU. Tapi mana penerapannya?? Percuma berteriak-teriak merdeka apabila itu hanya dijadikan simbol kedaulatan para penguasa. Seluruh rakyat membutuhkan kemerdekaan yang sesungguhnya, dimana hal-hal yang menyangkut kesejahteraan rakyat dapat dijamin oleh negara. Tetapi yang tercermin malah kesibukan masing-masing orang demi kepentingan pribadi. Penerapan integrasi di Indonesia benar-benar 0 besar.
Hal lain datang dari studi banding yang dilakukan oleh para anggota DPR. Bisa-bisanya mereka menghabiskan ratusan juta rupiah hanya untuk hal yang dapat dilakukan di dalam negara. Ditengah rintihan korban bencana, masih sempat-sempatnya mereka berhura-hura. Tak sadarkah mereka, uang siapa yang mereka pakai untuk berfoya-foya?? sungguh tak habis pikir, bisa-bisanya mereka haha hihi di negara orang sedangkan rakyat disini berteriak-teriak minta tolong. Apakah anda-anda sekalian tidak malu dengan negara lain yang memberikan sumbangan kepada negara ini? Cukup mengherankan memang. Entah urat malunya sudah putus atau apa saya tidak tau.
Apabila dilihat dari berbagai kasus yang menimpa Indonesia sejak dulu, sungguh terlihat birokrasi yang anjlok. Semuanya hanya didasarkan pada harta dan status sosial.
BY : NERISSA
Sistem Politik di Indonesia
Masa revolusi Fisik adalah masa dimana pemikiran-pemikiran yang berkembang pada masa pergerakan nasional menguji keampuhannnya dalam rangka patriotisme menghadapi Belanda, yaitu usaha mendapatkan pengakuan kedaulatan. Faksi-faksi yang berkembang membentuk kelompok pro dan kontra berunding Indonesia dengan Belanda. Dua faksi terbesar pada masa revolusi fisik, yaitu pertama faksi pemerintah yang didukung oleh dwitunggal Soekarno-Hata yang lebih dikenal dengan sayap Kiri. Lalu Persatuan Perjuangan (PP) sebagai oposisi pemerintah. Sayap kiri terdiri dari kaum Sosialis Kanan Sjahrir yang dikenal dengan sebutan SosKa lalu kelompok Komunis Gadungan Amir Syarifudin yang dikenal dengan sebutan KomGa (SosKa+KomGa=Partai Sosialis), ditambah dengan Pesindo,PKI, dll. Sedangkan PP terdiri dari komunis nasional Tan Malaka, Hizbullah, dll yang terkenal dengan sebutan kelompok kiri. Diluar kelompok Ini ada dua partai yang mempunyai kekuatan besar, yakni Masyumi sebuah partai federasi dengan ideology nasionalisme Islam dan PNI dengan ideologi nasionalis Sekuler. Disamping itu ketiga kekuatan pada masa revolusi fisik ada dua kekuatan Dwitunggal Soekarno-Hatta dan tentara. Secara garis besar pada masa revolusi Fisik pemikiran yang berkembang adalah tentang bagaimana cara mendapatkan kedaulatan Indonesia baik dimeja perundingan maupun di medan perang termasuk membentuk tentara regular yang homogen.
Tercapainya pengakuan kedaulatan pada 27 Desember 1949 dalam Konferensi meja KMB yang selanjutnya dikuti dengan perubahan konstitusi Indonesia dari konstitusi RIS menuju UUDS 1950 adalah tonggak diterapkannya demokrasi Liberal di Indonesia. Begitupun dengan bentuk Negara yang awalnya federal menurut Konstitusi RIS berubah menjadi Republik Kesatuan melalui sebuah mosi integral M. Natsir.
catatan: ketua delegasi belanda di konferensi KMB saat itu mendapat kecaman keras dari kerjaan belanda karena gagal mempertahankan kolonial mereka yg sangat mereka banggakan lebih dari 300 tahun.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indonesian_National_Revolution
Liberal democracy period in Indonesia
An era of Liberal Democracy (Indonesian: Demokrasi Liberal) in Indonesia began in 1950 following the securing of Indonesian independence in the Indonesian National Revolution, and ended with the imposition of martial law and President Sukarno's introduction of Guided Democracy in 1957. It saw a number of important events, including the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference, Indonesia's first general and Constitutional Assembly elections, and was an extended period of political instability, with no cabinet lasting as long as two years.
Timeline
A dead militant following a 1956 attack against a rubber plantation.
1948 - 1962: Darul Islam rebellions begin in West Java, spread to other provinces but conclude with the execution of its leader Kartosoewiryo.
1952, 17 October: General Nasution is suspended as army chief of staff following army indiscipline over command and support that threatens the government.
1955, April: The city of Bandung hosts the Asia-Africa Conference. It is the first meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement and is attended by world leaders including China's Zhou Enlai, India's Nehru, Egypt's Nasser and Yugoslavia's Tito.
1955, September: Indonesia holds general parliamentary elections; the last free national elections until 1999; support for the parties is widely distributed with four parties each gaining 16-22 per cent and the remaining votes split between 24 parties.
1958, May 18: US Air Force pilot Allen Pope is shot down over Ambon, revealing covert American support of regional rebellions, and ends the Dulles brothers' failure to subvert the Sukarno government.
1950s/60s: The military articulate the doctrines of dwifungsi and hankamrata: i.e. a military roles in the country's socio-political development as well as security; and a requirement that the resources of the people be at the call of the armed forces.
1959, 5 July: With armed forces support, Sukarno issues a decree dissolving the Constituent Assembly and reintroducing the Constitution of 1945 with strong presidential powers, and assumes the additional role of Prime Minister, which completes the structure of 'Guided Democracy'.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberal_democracy_period_in_Indonesia
Guided Democracy in Indonesia
Guided Democracy (Indonesian: Demokrasi Terpimpin) was the political system in place in Indonesia from 1957 until the New Order began in 1966. It was the brainchild of President Sukarno, and was an attempt to bring about political stability. Instead, he sought a system based on the traditional village system of discussion and consensus, which occurred under the guidance of village elders.
Sukarno proposed a threefold blend of nasionalisme ('nationalism'), agama ('religion'), and komunisme ('communism') into a co-operative 'Nas-A-Kom' government. This was intended to appease the three main factions in Indonesian politics — the army, Islamic groups, and the communists. With the support of the military, he proclaimed in February 1957, 'Guided Democracy', and proposed a cabinet representing all political parties of importance (including the PKI). Western-style parliamentary democracy was thus finished in Indonesia until the 1999 elections of the Reformasi era.
Background
The Liberal Democracy period from the reestablishment of the unitary Republic of Indonesia in 1950 until the declaration of martial law in 1957 saw the rise and fall of six cabinets, the longest-lasting surviving for just under two years. Even Indonesia's first national elections in 1955 failed to bring about political stability.
In 1957, Indonesia faced a series of crises, including the beginning of the Permesta rebellion in Makassar and the army takeover of authority in South Sumatra. One of the demands of the Permesta rebels was that 70 percent of the members of Sukarno's proposed National Council should be members from the regions (i.e. non-Javanese). Another demand was that the cabinet and National Council be led by the dual-leadership (Indonesian: dwitunggal) of Sukarno and former Vice-President Hatta (Simanjuntak, 2003).
In March 1957, Sukarno accepted Army chief of staff Nasution's proposal for a declaration of martial law across the whole nation. This would put the military in charge, and would be a way to deal with the rebellious army commanders, as it would effectively legitimize them.
In the face of a growing political crisis amid splits in the cabinet, Prime Minister Ali Sastroadmidjojo returned his mandate to the president on 14 March.
The establishment of Guided Democracy
President Sukarno made an official visit to the People's Republic of China in October 1956. He was impressed with the progress made there since the Civil War, and concluded that this was due to the strong leadership of Mao Zedong, whose centralization of power was in sharp contrast to the political disorder in Indonesia. According to former foreign minister Ide Anak Agung Gde Agung, Sukarno began to believe he had been "chosen by providence" to lead the people and "build a new society".
Shortly after his return from China, on 30 October 1956, Sukarno spoke of his konsepsi (concept) of a new system of government. Two days earlier he had called for the political parties to be buried. Initially the parties were opposed to the idea, but once it became clear that they would not need to be abolished, the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) threw its support behind Sukarno.
On 21 February 1957, Sukarno detailed his plan. It would be a form of government more suited to the nature of Indonesia, as opposed to the western system. The centerpiece would be a 'mutual cooperation' cabinet of the major parties advised by a National Council (Indonesian: Dewan Nasional) of functional groups. The legislature would not be abolished. As well as the PKI, the Indonesian National Party (PNI) supported Sukarno, while the Islamist Masyumi Party and the Socialist Party of Indonesia opposed the plan. There were demonstrations in support of it.
On 15 March 1957 President Sukarno appointed PNI chairman Soewirjo to form a "working cabinet", which would be tasked with establishing the National Council in accordance with the president's concept. However, that fact that Masyumi were not asked to participate in the formation of the cabinet led to Soewirjo's efforts coming to nothing. However, on 25 March, Sukarno asked Soewirjo to try again, and gave him one week to for a cabinet, but once again, Soewirjo failed. Finally, Sukarno held a meeting with 69 party figures at the state Palace on 4 April, at which he announced his intention to form an emergency extra-parliamentary working cabinet, and that "citizen" Sukarno would set it up. The new "Working Cabinet", headed by non-party prime Minister Djuanda Kartawidjaja was announced on 8 April 1957 at the Bogor Palace. Although the PKI was not included, several members were sympathetic to the party. In fact, in theory, it was a non-party cabinet.
The National Council was established by emergemcy law in May 1957. It was chaired by Sukarno, with Ruslan Abdulgani as vice-chairman. At its inaugaration on 12 July, it comprised 42 members representing groups such as peasants, workers and women, as well as the various religions. Decisions were reached by consensus rather than through voting. As a non-political body based on fujnctional groups, it was intended as a counterbalance to the political system. The cabinet was not obliged to heed the advice given by the National Council, but in practice rarely ignored it.
Meanwhile, the army was trying to enhance its role by establishing functional groups of its own. In June 1957 Nasution began trying to woo the parties' functional groups and managed to unite the veterans groups under army control. He also used martial law to arrest several politicians for alleged corruption, while regional army commanders restricted party activities, particularly those of the PKI, whose headquarters in Jakarta was attacked in July.
Following the failure of a United Nations resolution calling on the Netherlands to negotiate with Indonesia over the West Irian issue, n 3 December, PKI and PNI unions began taking over Dutch companies, but 11 days later, Nasution stated that the army would run these companies. This gave the army a major economic role.
The end of Guided Democracy
During his 1964 Independence Day speech, Sukarno publicly denounced the United States. An anti-American campaign ensued in which American companies were threatened, American movies were banned, American libraries and other buildings were attacked, American journalists banned, and the American flag was often torn apart. Large anti-American propaganda posters were set up around Jakarta's streets. American aid was stopped. In August 1965, Sukarno announced that Indonesia was withdrawing from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, and in his Independence Day speech on 17 August, announced the Jakarta-Phnom Penh-Hanoi-Peking-Pyongyang Axis, and said that the people would be armed. On 27 September, Nasution announced that he opposed the "fifth force" and the "Nasakomization" of the army.
On the night of 30 September 1965, six generals were kidnapped and murdered and a group calling itself the 30 September Movement seized control of the national radio station and the center of Jakarta. Although the movement was quickly crushed by Suharto it marked the end of guided democracy and of Sukarno as an effective president. The New Order regime established by Suharto had its own ideology — Pancasila Democracy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guided_Democracy_in_Indonesia
New Order (Indonesia)
The New Order (Indonesian: Orde Baru) is the term coined by former Indonesian President Suharto to characterize his regime as he came to power in 1966 (see Transition to the New Order). Suharto used this term to contrast his rule with that of his predecessor, Sukarno (dubbed the "Old Order," or Orde Lama). The term "New Order" in more recent times has become synonymous with the Suharto years (1965–1998).
Immediately following the attempted coup in 1965, the political situation was uncertain, but the Suharto's New Order found much popular support from groups wanting a separation from Indonesia's problems since its independence. The 'generation of 66' (angkatan 66) epitomised talk of a new group of young leaders and new intellectual thought. Following Indonesia's communal and political conflicts, and its economic collapse and social breakdown of the late 1950s through to the mid-1960s, the "New Order" was committed to achieving and maintaining political order, economic development, and the removal of mass participation in the political process. The features of the "New Order" established from the late 1960s were thus a strong political role for the military, the bureaucratization and corporatization of political and societal organizations, and selective but effective repression of opponents.
Within a few years, however, many of its original allies had become indifferent or averse to the New Order, which comprised a military faction supported by a narrow civilian group. Among much of the pro-democracy movement which forced Suharto to resign in the Indonesian 1998 Revolution and then gained power, the term "New Order" has come to be used pejoratively. It is frequently employed by them to describe figures who were either tied to the Suharto period, or who upheld practices of his authoritarian regime, such as corruption, collusion and nepotism (widely known by the acronym KKN: korupsi, kolusi, nepotisme).
Downfall of Suharto
Support for Suharto and his New Order government began to increasingly wane in the 1990s with more strident demands for democracy from within Indonesia's legal political parties. Criticism of the New Order's authoritarianism, human rights abuses, and situation of East Timor from Western NGOs and politicians began to isolate the regime diplomatically. The onset of the 1997 Asian financial crisis in Indonesia, and the stubbornness of Suharto in adopting reforms to address the crisis drew greater scrutiny from international lenders to the New Order corruption and lack of transparency. These factors culminated in the Indonesian Revolution of 1998 and the resignation of Suharto as president.
The Reformasi (Reform) of 1998 led to changes in Indonesia's various governmental institutions, reforms upon the structures of the judiciary, legislature, and executive office. Generally the fall of Suharto in 1998 is traced from events starting in 1996, when forces opposed to the New Order regime began to rally around Megawati Sukarnoputri, head of the PDI and daughter of the founding president Sukarno. When Suharto attempted to have Megawati removed as head of this party in a back-room deal, student activists loyal to Megawati occupied the headquarters of PDI in Jakarta. This culminated in Black Saturday on July 27, when the Indonesian military broke up the demonstrations.
These actions, along with increasing concerns over human rights violations in Indonesian-occupied East Timor, began to unsettle Suharto's normally friendly relations with Western nations Australia, Great Britain, and the United States. These further worsened when the Asian financial crisis of 1997 reached Indonesia, highlighting the rampant corruption of the Suharto regime as well.
Economic instability from the crisis affected much of the country, in the form of increased prices for staple foods and goods, and lowered standards of living and quality of life. These touched off riots, many targeting ethnic Chinese-Indonesians; bolstered by the findings of Parliamentary and independent investigations, it is often theorized that these anti-Chinese riots were instigated or aided by the military to divert anger away from Suharto himself.[citation needed]
Growing dissatisfaction with Suharto's authoritarian rule and the rapid erosion of the economy led many, chiefly the younger generation, to renew their protests directly against the regime. In 1998, Suharto made the decision to stand before the parliament for a re-election and won. The result was considered so outrageous that students occupied the Parliament. Suharto soon stood down from the presidency, and named Jusuf Habibie (of Suharto's own Golkar party) his successor. Considered the unseen power behind the throne, General Wiranto of the Chief of Staff over the military that was central to the New Order, is believed to have been behind the decision of Suharto to step down.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Order_(Indonesia)
Reformasi Era
Habibie presidency (1998–1999)
On Suharto's resignation, Vice President Jusuf Habibie was sworn in as President of Indonesia. As President, Habibie undertook numerous political reforms.
In February 1999, Habibie's Government passed the Political Parties Law.Under this law, political parties were not limited to just three as had been the case under the Suharto regime. Political parties were also not required to have Pancasila as their ideology. This resulted in the emergence of many political parties and 48 would go on to compete in the 1999 Legislative Election.
In May 1999, Habibie's Government passed the Regional Autonomy Law.This law was the first step in decentralizing Indonesia's Government and in allowing Provinces to have more part in Governing their Province.
The Press became liberated under Habibie's Government although the Ministry of Information continued to exist.
Habibie also released political prisoners such as Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Muchtar Pakpahan, and Xanana Gusmao.
Habibie also presided over the 1999 legislative elections, the first free election since the 1955 Legislative Election. This election was supervised by the independent General Elections Commission (KPU) instead of an elections commission filled with government ministers as had been the case during Suharto's regime.
In a move that surprised many, and angered some, Habibie called for a referendum on the future of East Timor. Subsequently, on August 30, the inhabitants of East Timor voted to break away from Indonesian rule and become an independent nation. The territorial loss to Indonesia harmed Habibie's popularity and political alliances.
Following Habibie's presidency, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri served as president. In 2004 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was elected President--a position he has held since. Yudhoyono's coalition, which brings together figures from the military, business community, and conservative Islam, has restabilized the office of the Presidency.
Wahid presidency (1999–2001)
In 1999, Abdurrahman Wahid became President of Indonesia. His first Cabinet, dubbed the National Unity Cabinet, was a Coalition Cabinet which consisted of members of various political parties. PDI-P, PKB, Golkar, PPP, PAN, and Justice Party (PK). Non-partisans and the military were also represented in the Cabinet. Wahid then went on to make two administrative reforms. The first administrative reform was to abolish the Ministry of Information, the Suharto's regime main weapon in controlling the media while the second administrative reform was to disband the Ministry of Welfare which had become corrupt and extortionist under the Suharto regime.
Autonomy and tolerance toward dissent
Wahid's plan in Aceh was to give it a referendum. However, this referendum would be to decide on various modes of autonomy rather than to decide on independence like in East Timor. Wahid also wanted to adopt a softer stance towards Aceh by having less military personnel on the ground. In March, Wahid's Government began to open negotiations with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Two months later, in May, the Government signed a memorandum of understanding with GAM to last until the beginning of 2001, by which time both signatories would have breached the agreement .
On 30 December, Wahid visited Jayapura the capital of Papua province (then known as "Irian Jaya"). During his visit, Wahid was successful in convincing West Papuan leaders that he was a force for change and even encouraged the use of the name Papua.
In September 2000, Wahid declared martial law in Maluku. By now, it was evident that Laskar Jihad were being assisted by members of the military and it was also apparent that they were financed by Fuad Bawazier, the last Minister of Finance to have served under Suharto.[citation needed] During the same month, the West Papuans raised their Morning Star flag. Wahid's response was to allow the West Papuans to do this provided that the Morning Star flag was placed lower than the Indonesian flag For this, he was severely criticized by Megawati and Akbar. On 24 December 2000, a series of bombings were directed against churches in Jakarta and in eight cities across Indonesia.
In March of that year, Wahid suggested that the 1966 Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) resolution on the banning of Marxism-Leninism be lifted.
Relationship with the military
When he ascended to the Presidency, one of Wahid's goals was to reform the military and to take it out of its dominant socio-political role. In this venture, Wahid found an ally in Agus Wirahadikusumah who he made Commander of Kostrad in March. In July, Agus began uncovering a scandal involving Dharma Putra, a foundation with affiliations to Kostrad. Through Megawati, military members began pressuring Wahid to remove Agus. Wahid gave in to the pressure but then planned to have Agus appointed as the Army Chief of Staff to which top military leaders responded by threatening to retire and Wahid once again bowed down to pressure.
Wahid's relationship with the military deteriorated even further when in July it was revealed that Laskar Jihad had arrived in Maluku and was being armed by the military. Laskar Jihad, a radical Islamic militia had earlier in the year planned to go to Maluku and assist Muslims there in their communal conflict with the Christians. Wahid had ordered military to block Laskar Jihad from going to Maluku, but nevertheless they still made it to Maluku and they were then being armed with what turned out to be military weapons.
Buloggate and Bruneigate
2000 saw Wahid embroiled in two scandals which would damage his Presidency. In May, the State Logistics Agency (BULOG) reported that US$4 million was missing from its cash reserve. The missing cash was then attributed to Wahid's own masseur who had claimed that Wahid sent him to Bulog to collect the cash. Although the money was returned, Wahid's opponents took the chance of accusing him of being involved in the scandal and of being aware of what his masseur was up to. At the same time, Wahid was also accused of keeping US$2 million for himself. The money was a donation by the Sultan of Brunei to provide assistance in Aceh. However, Wahid failed to account for the money.
Impeachment
By the end of 2000, there were many within the political elite who were disillusioned with Wahid. The most obvious person who showed this disillusion was Amien Rais who showed regret at supporting Wahid to the Presidency the previous year. Amien also attempted to rally opposition by encouraging Megawati and Akbar to flex their political muscles. Megawati surprisingly defended Wahid whilst Akbar preferred to wait for the 2004 Legislative Elections. At the end of November, 151 DPR members signed a petition calling for the impeachment of Wahid.
In January 2001, Wahid made the announcement that Chinese New Year was to become an optional holiday. Wahid followed this up in February by lifting the ban on the display of Chinese characters and the importing of Chinese publications. In February, Wahid visited Northern Africa as well as Saudi Arabia to undertake the hajj pilgrimage. Wahid made his last overseas visit in June 2001 when he visited Australia.
At meeting with university rectors on 27 January 2001, Wahid commented on the possibility of Indonesia descending into anarchy. Wahid then made the suggestion that he may be forced to dissolve the DPR if that happened. Although the meeting was off-the-record, it caused quite a stir and added to the fuel of the movement against him. On 1 February, the DPR met to issue a memorandum against Wahid. Two memorandums constitutes an MPR Special Session where the impeachment and removal of a President would be legal. The vote was overwhelmingly for the memorandum and PKB members could only walk out in protest. The memorandum caused widespread protests by NU members. In East Java, NU members went attacked Golkar's regional offices. In Jakarta, Wahid's opposition began accusing him of encouraging the protests. Wahid denied it and went to talk to the protesters at the town of Pasuruan, encouraging them to get off the streets. Nevertheless, NU protesters continued to show their support for Wahid and in April, made the announcement that they were ready to defend and die for the president.
In March, Wahid tried to counter the opposition by moving against dissidents within his own cabinet. Minister of Justice Yusril Ihza Mahendra was removed for making public his demands for the President's resignation while Minister of Forestry Nurmahmudi Ismail was also removed under the suspicion of chanelling his department's funds to Wahid's opposition. In response to this, Megawati began to distance herself and did not show up for the inauguration of the Ministers' replacement. On 30 April, the DPR issued a second memorandum and on the next day called for an MPR Special Session to be held on 1 August.
By July, Wahid grew desperate and ordered Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security to declare a State of Emergency. Yudhoyono refused and Wahid removed him from his position. Finally on 20 July, Amien declared that the MPR Special Session will be brought forward to 23 July. TNI, having had a bad relationship with Wahid through his tenure as President, stationed 40,000 troops in Jakarta and placed tanks with their turrets pointing at the Presidential Palace in a show of force. On 23 July, the MPR unanimously voted to impeach Wahid and to replace him with Megawati as President. Wahid continued to insist that he was the President and stayed for some days in the Presidential Palace but bowed down to reality and left the residence on 25 July to immediately fly overseas to America for health treatment.
Megawati presidency (2001–2004)
Under Megawati Sukarnoputri, the process of democratic reform begun under Habibie and Wahid continued, albeit slowly and erratically. Megawati appeared to see her role mainly as a symbol of national unity, and she rarely actively intervened in government business. Under her tenure, the Kabinet Gotong Royong (Mutual Assistance Cabinet) helped govern the country. It included Megawati's successor, the retired General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The military, disgraced at the time of Suharto's fall, regained much of its influence. Corruption continued to be pervasive, though Megawati herself was seldom blamed for this.
Some Indonesian scholars explained Megawati's apparent passivity in office by reference to Javanese mythology. Megawati, they said, saw her father, Sukarno, as a "Good King" of Javanese legend. Suharto was the "Bad Prince" who had usurped the Good King's throne. Megawati was the Avenging Daughter who overthrew the Bad Prince and regained the Good King's throne. Once this had been achieved, they said, Megawati was content to reign as the Good Queen and leave the business of government to others[citation needed]. Some prominent critics such as Benedict Anderson jokingly referred to the president as "Miniwati."
Although by 2004 Indonesia's economy had stabilized and partly recovered from the 1997 crisis, unemployment and poverty remained high. The Indonesian Constitution was amended to provide for the direct election of the President, and Megawati stood for a second term. She consistently trailed in the opinion polls, due in part to the preference for male candidates among Muslim voters, and in part due to what was widely seen as a mediocre performance in office. Despite a somewhat better than expected performance in the first round of the elections, in the second round she was defeated by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Yudhoyono presidency (2004–present)
Two months after Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono assumed office, the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami struck in the province of Aceh and many other countries along the Indian Ocean coastline. Three months later, an aftershock of the earthquake which triggered the tsunami occurred in Nias Island. In 2006, Mount Merapi erupted and this was followed by an earthquake that struck Yogyakarta.
Indonesia also suffered a small outbreak of bird flu and endured the Sidoarjo mud flow. In 2007 severe floods struck Jakarta. Yudhoyono allowed Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso to open the Manggarai watergate with the risk of flooding the Presidential Palace.
On October 1, 2005, suicide bombings occurred on the island of Bali. The attacks bear the hallmarks of the militant Islamic group Jemaah Islamiah (JI) -- a group with links to Al-Qaeda -- though the police investigation is ongoing. This group was also responsible for the 2002 Bali bombing. Yudhoyono condemned the attack, promising to "hunt down the perpetrators and bring them to justice.".
In 2005, the economic growth was 5.6% which decreased to 5.4% in 2006 Inflation reached 17.11% in 2005 but decreased to 6.6% in 2006.[citation needed] Yudhoyono also allocated more funds in an effort to further decrease poverty. In 2004, 11 trillion rupiah was set aside, increasing to 23 trillion in 2005 and 42 trillion in 2006. For 2007, 51 trillion was allocated. In March 2005 and again in October 2005, Yudhoyono made the unpopular decision to cut fuel subsidies, leading to increases in fuel prices of 29% and 125% respectively. The poor were somewhat compensated by the Direct Cash Assistance (BLT), but the subsidy cutting damaged Yudhoyono's popularity. In May 2008, rising oil prices contributed to Yudhoyono's decision to again cut fuel subsidies, which were the subject of protests in May and June 2008.
In 2009, Yudhoyono was elected again in 2009 Presidential Election along with Boediono, former Governor of Bank Indonesia. They defeated 2 candidates: Megawati Soekarnoputri - Prabowo Subianto and incumbent vice president, Jusuf Kalla - Wiranto. Yudhoyono - Boediono win the election with more than 60% votes of nationwide in the first round.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Post-Suharto_Era
Tercapainya pengakuan kedaulatan pada 27 Desember 1949 dalam Konferensi meja KMB yang selanjutnya dikuti dengan perubahan konstitusi Indonesia dari konstitusi RIS menuju UUDS 1950 adalah tonggak diterapkannya demokrasi Liberal di Indonesia. Begitupun dengan bentuk Negara yang awalnya federal menurut Konstitusi RIS berubah menjadi Republik Kesatuan melalui sebuah mosi integral M. Natsir.
catatan: ketua delegasi belanda di konferensi KMB saat itu mendapat kecaman keras dari kerjaan belanda karena gagal mempertahankan kolonial mereka yg sangat mereka banggakan lebih dari 300 tahun.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indonesian_National_Revolution
Liberal democracy period in Indonesia
An era of Liberal Democracy (Indonesian: Demokrasi Liberal) in Indonesia began in 1950 following the securing of Indonesian independence in the Indonesian National Revolution, and ended with the imposition of martial law and President Sukarno's introduction of Guided Democracy in 1957. It saw a number of important events, including the 1955 Asia-Africa Conference, Indonesia's first general and Constitutional Assembly elections, and was an extended period of political instability, with no cabinet lasting as long as two years.
Timeline
A dead militant following a 1956 attack against a rubber plantation.
1948 - 1962: Darul Islam rebellions begin in West Java, spread to other provinces but conclude with the execution of its leader Kartosoewiryo.
1952, 17 October: General Nasution is suspended as army chief of staff following army indiscipline over command and support that threatens the government.
1955, April: The city of Bandung hosts the Asia-Africa Conference. It is the first meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement and is attended by world leaders including China's Zhou Enlai, India's Nehru, Egypt's Nasser and Yugoslavia's Tito.
1955, September: Indonesia holds general parliamentary elections; the last free national elections until 1999; support for the parties is widely distributed with four parties each gaining 16-22 per cent and the remaining votes split between 24 parties.
1958, May 18: US Air Force pilot Allen Pope is shot down over Ambon, revealing covert American support of regional rebellions, and ends the Dulles brothers' failure to subvert the Sukarno government.
1950s/60s: The military articulate the doctrines of dwifungsi and hankamrata: i.e. a military roles in the country's socio-political development as well as security; and a requirement that the resources of the people be at the call of the armed forces.
1959, 5 July: With armed forces support, Sukarno issues a decree dissolving the Constituent Assembly and reintroducing the Constitution of 1945 with strong presidential powers, and assumes the additional role of Prime Minister, which completes the structure of 'Guided Democracy'.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liberal_democracy_period_in_Indonesia
Guided Democracy in Indonesia
Guided Democracy (Indonesian: Demokrasi Terpimpin) was the political system in place in Indonesia from 1957 until the New Order began in 1966. It was the brainchild of President Sukarno, and was an attempt to bring about political stability. Instead, he sought a system based on the traditional village system of discussion and consensus, which occurred under the guidance of village elders.
Sukarno proposed a threefold blend of nasionalisme ('nationalism'), agama ('religion'), and komunisme ('communism') into a co-operative 'Nas-A-Kom' government. This was intended to appease the three main factions in Indonesian politics — the army, Islamic groups, and the communists. With the support of the military, he proclaimed in February 1957, 'Guided Democracy', and proposed a cabinet representing all political parties of importance (including the PKI). Western-style parliamentary democracy was thus finished in Indonesia until the 1999 elections of the Reformasi era.
Background
The Liberal Democracy period from the reestablishment of the unitary Republic of Indonesia in 1950 until the declaration of martial law in 1957 saw the rise and fall of six cabinets, the longest-lasting surviving for just under two years. Even Indonesia's first national elections in 1955 failed to bring about political stability.
In 1957, Indonesia faced a series of crises, including the beginning of the Permesta rebellion in Makassar and the army takeover of authority in South Sumatra. One of the demands of the Permesta rebels was that 70 percent of the members of Sukarno's proposed National Council should be members from the regions (i.e. non-Javanese). Another demand was that the cabinet and National Council be led by the dual-leadership (Indonesian: dwitunggal) of Sukarno and former Vice-President Hatta (Simanjuntak, 2003).
In March 1957, Sukarno accepted Army chief of staff Nasution's proposal for a declaration of martial law across the whole nation. This would put the military in charge, and would be a way to deal with the rebellious army commanders, as it would effectively legitimize them.
In the face of a growing political crisis amid splits in the cabinet, Prime Minister Ali Sastroadmidjojo returned his mandate to the president on 14 March.
The establishment of Guided Democracy
President Sukarno made an official visit to the People's Republic of China in October 1956. He was impressed with the progress made there since the Civil War, and concluded that this was due to the strong leadership of Mao Zedong, whose centralization of power was in sharp contrast to the political disorder in Indonesia. According to former foreign minister Ide Anak Agung Gde Agung, Sukarno began to believe he had been "chosen by providence" to lead the people and "build a new society".
Shortly after his return from China, on 30 October 1956, Sukarno spoke of his konsepsi (concept) of a new system of government. Two days earlier he had called for the political parties to be buried. Initially the parties were opposed to the idea, but once it became clear that they would not need to be abolished, the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) threw its support behind Sukarno.
On 21 February 1957, Sukarno detailed his plan. It would be a form of government more suited to the nature of Indonesia, as opposed to the western system. The centerpiece would be a 'mutual cooperation' cabinet of the major parties advised by a National Council (Indonesian: Dewan Nasional) of functional groups. The legislature would not be abolished. As well as the PKI, the Indonesian National Party (PNI) supported Sukarno, while the Islamist Masyumi Party and the Socialist Party of Indonesia opposed the plan. There were demonstrations in support of it.
On 15 March 1957 President Sukarno appointed PNI chairman Soewirjo to form a "working cabinet", which would be tasked with establishing the National Council in accordance with the president's concept. However, that fact that Masyumi were not asked to participate in the formation of the cabinet led to Soewirjo's efforts coming to nothing. However, on 25 March, Sukarno asked Soewirjo to try again, and gave him one week to for a cabinet, but once again, Soewirjo failed. Finally, Sukarno held a meeting with 69 party figures at the state Palace on 4 April, at which he announced his intention to form an emergency extra-parliamentary working cabinet, and that "citizen" Sukarno would set it up. The new "Working Cabinet", headed by non-party prime Minister Djuanda Kartawidjaja was announced on 8 April 1957 at the Bogor Palace. Although the PKI was not included, several members were sympathetic to the party. In fact, in theory, it was a non-party cabinet.
The National Council was established by emergemcy law in May 1957. It was chaired by Sukarno, with Ruslan Abdulgani as vice-chairman. At its inaugaration on 12 July, it comprised 42 members representing groups such as peasants, workers and women, as well as the various religions. Decisions were reached by consensus rather than through voting. As a non-political body based on fujnctional groups, it was intended as a counterbalance to the political system. The cabinet was not obliged to heed the advice given by the National Council, but in practice rarely ignored it.
Meanwhile, the army was trying to enhance its role by establishing functional groups of its own. In June 1957 Nasution began trying to woo the parties' functional groups and managed to unite the veterans groups under army control. He also used martial law to arrest several politicians for alleged corruption, while regional army commanders restricted party activities, particularly those of the PKI, whose headquarters in Jakarta was attacked in July.
Following the failure of a United Nations resolution calling on the Netherlands to negotiate with Indonesia over the West Irian issue, n 3 December, PKI and PNI unions began taking over Dutch companies, but 11 days later, Nasution stated that the army would run these companies. This gave the army a major economic role.
The end of Guided Democracy
During his 1964 Independence Day speech, Sukarno publicly denounced the United States. An anti-American campaign ensued in which American companies were threatened, American movies were banned, American libraries and other buildings were attacked, American journalists banned, and the American flag was often torn apart. Large anti-American propaganda posters were set up around Jakarta's streets. American aid was stopped. In August 1965, Sukarno announced that Indonesia was withdrawing from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, and in his Independence Day speech on 17 August, announced the Jakarta-Phnom Penh-Hanoi-Peking-Pyongyang Axis, and said that the people would be armed. On 27 September, Nasution announced that he opposed the "fifth force" and the "Nasakomization" of the army.
On the night of 30 September 1965, six generals were kidnapped and murdered and a group calling itself the 30 September Movement seized control of the national radio station and the center of Jakarta. Although the movement was quickly crushed by Suharto it marked the end of guided democracy and of Sukarno as an effective president. The New Order regime established by Suharto had its own ideology — Pancasila Democracy
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guided_Democracy_in_Indonesia
New Order (Indonesia)
The New Order (Indonesian: Orde Baru) is the term coined by former Indonesian President Suharto to characterize his regime as he came to power in 1966 (see Transition to the New Order). Suharto used this term to contrast his rule with that of his predecessor, Sukarno (dubbed the "Old Order," or Orde Lama). The term "New Order" in more recent times has become synonymous with the Suharto years (1965–1998).
Immediately following the attempted coup in 1965, the political situation was uncertain, but the Suharto's New Order found much popular support from groups wanting a separation from Indonesia's problems since its independence. The 'generation of 66' (angkatan 66) epitomised talk of a new group of young leaders and new intellectual thought. Following Indonesia's communal and political conflicts, and its economic collapse and social breakdown of the late 1950s through to the mid-1960s, the "New Order" was committed to achieving and maintaining political order, economic development, and the removal of mass participation in the political process. The features of the "New Order" established from the late 1960s were thus a strong political role for the military, the bureaucratization and corporatization of political and societal organizations, and selective but effective repression of opponents.
Within a few years, however, many of its original allies had become indifferent or averse to the New Order, which comprised a military faction supported by a narrow civilian group. Among much of the pro-democracy movement which forced Suharto to resign in the Indonesian 1998 Revolution and then gained power, the term "New Order" has come to be used pejoratively. It is frequently employed by them to describe figures who were either tied to the Suharto period, or who upheld practices of his authoritarian regime, such as corruption, collusion and nepotism (widely known by the acronym KKN: korupsi, kolusi, nepotisme).
Downfall of Suharto
Support for Suharto and his New Order government began to increasingly wane in the 1990s with more strident demands for democracy from within Indonesia's legal political parties. Criticism of the New Order's authoritarianism, human rights abuses, and situation of East Timor from Western NGOs and politicians began to isolate the regime diplomatically. The onset of the 1997 Asian financial crisis in Indonesia, and the stubbornness of Suharto in adopting reforms to address the crisis drew greater scrutiny from international lenders to the New Order corruption and lack of transparency. These factors culminated in the Indonesian Revolution of 1998 and the resignation of Suharto as president.
The Reformasi (Reform) of 1998 led to changes in Indonesia's various governmental institutions, reforms upon the structures of the judiciary, legislature, and executive office. Generally the fall of Suharto in 1998 is traced from events starting in 1996, when forces opposed to the New Order regime began to rally around Megawati Sukarnoputri, head of the PDI and daughter of the founding president Sukarno. When Suharto attempted to have Megawati removed as head of this party in a back-room deal, student activists loyal to Megawati occupied the headquarters of PDI in Jakarta. This culminated in Black Saturday on July 27, when the Indonesian military broke up the demonstrations.
These actions, along with increasing concerns over human rights violations in Indonesian-occupied East Timor, began to unsettle Suharto's normally friendly relations with Western nations Australia, Great Britain, and the United States. These further worsened when the Asian financial crisis of 1997 reached Indonesia, highlighting the rampant corruption of the Suharto regime as well.
Economic instability from the crisis affected much of the country, in the form of increased prices for staple foods and goods, and lowered standards of living and quality of life. These touched off riots, many targeting ethnic Chinese-Indonesians; bolstered by the findings of Parliamentary and independent investigations, it is often theorized that these anti-Chinese riots were instigated or aided by the military to divert anger away from Suharto himself.[citation needed]
Growing dissatisfaction with Suharto's authoritarian rule and the rapid erosion of the economy led many, chiefly the younger generation, to renew their protests directly against the regime. In 1998, Suharto made the decision to stand before the parliament for a re-election and won. The result was considered so outrageous that students occupied the Parliament. Suharto soon stood down from the presidency, and named Jusuf Habibie (of Suharto's own Golkar party) his successor. Considered the unseen power behind the throne, General Wiranto of the Chief of Staff over the military that was central to the New Order, is believed to have been behind the decision of Suharto to step down.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_Order_(Indonesia)
Reformasi Era
Habibie presidency (1998–1999)
On Suharto's resignation, Vice President Jusuf Habibie was sworn in as President of Indonesia. As President, Habibie undertook numerous political reforms.
In February 1999, Habibie's Government passed the Political Parties Law.Under this law, political parties were not limited to just three as had been the case under the Suharto regime. Political parties were also not required to have Pancasila as their ideology. This resulted in the emergence of many political parties and 48 would go on to compete in the 1999 Legislative Election.
In May 1999, Habibie's Government passed the Regional Autonomy Law.This law was the first step in decentralizing Indonesia's Government and in allowing Provinces to have more part in Governing their Province.
The Press became liberated under Habibie's Government although the Ministry of Information continued to exist.
Habibie also released political prisoners such as Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Muchtar Pakpahan, and Xanana Gusmao.
Habibie also presided over the 1999 legislative elections, the first free election since the 1955 Legislative Election. This election was supervised by the independent General Elections Commission (KPU) instead of an elections commission filled with government ministers as had been the case during Suharto's regime.
In a move that surprised many, and angered some, Habibie called for a referendum on the future of East Timor. Subsequently, on August 30, the inhabitants of East Timor voted to break away from Indonesian rule and become an independent nation. The territorial loss to Indonesia harmed Habibie's popularity and political alliances.
Following Habibie's presidency, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri served as president. In 2004 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was elected President--a position he has held since. Yudhoyono's coalition, which brings together figures from the military, business community, and conservative Islam, has restabilized the office of the Presidency.
Wahid presidency (1999–2001)
In 1999, Abdurrahman Wahid became President of Indonesia. His first Cabinet, dubbed the National Unity Cabinet, was a Coalition Cabinet which consisted of members of various political parties. PDI-P, PKB, Golkar, PPP, PAN, and Justice Party (PK). Non-partisans and the military were also represented in the Cabinet. Wahid then went on to make two administrative reforms. The first administrative reform was to abolish the Ministry of Information, the Suharto's regime main weapon in controlling the media while the second administrative reform was to disband the Ministry of Welfare which had become corrupt and extortionist under the Suharto regime.
Autonomy and tolerance toward dissent
Wahid's plan in Aceh was to give it a referendum. However, this referendum would be to decide on various modes of autonomy rather than to decide on independence like in East Timor. Wahid also wanted to adopt a softer stance towards Aceh by having less military personnel on the ground. In March, Wahid's Government began to open negotiations with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Two months later, in May, the Government signed a memorandum of understanding with GAM to last until the beginning of 2001, by which time both signatories would have breached the agreement .
On 30 December, Wahid visited Jayapura the capital of Papua province (then known as "Irian Jaya"). During his visit, Wahid was successful in convincing West Papuan leaders that he was a force for change and even encouraged the use of the name Papua.
In September 2000, Wahid declared martial law in Maluku. By now, it was evident that Laskar Jihad were being assisted by members of the military and it was also apparent that they were financed by Fuad Bawazier, the last Minister of Finance to have served under Suharto.[citation needed] During the same month, the West Papuans raised their Morning Star flag. Wahid's response was to allow the West Papuans to do this provided that the Morning Star flag was placed lower than the Indonesian flag For this, he was severely criticized by Megawati and Akbar. On 24 December 2000, a series of bombings were directed against churches in Jakarta and in eight cities across Indonesia.
In March of that year, Wahid suggested that the 1966 Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) resolution on the banning of Marxism-Leninism be lifted.
Relationship with the military
When he ascended to the Presidency, one of Wahid's goals was to reform the military and to take it out of its dominant socio-political role. In this venture, Wahid found an ally in Agus Wirahadikusumah who he made Commander of Kostrad in March. In July, Agus began uncovering a scandal involving Dharma Putra, a foundation with affiliations to Kostrad. Through Megawati, military members began pressuring Wahid to remove Agus. Wahid gave in to the pressure but then planned to have Agus appointed as the Army Chief of Staff to which top military leaders responded by threatening to retire and Wahid once again bowed down to pressure.
Wahid's relationship with the military deteriorated even further when in July it was revealed that Laskar Jihad had arrived in Maluku and was being armed by the military. Laskar Jihad, a radical Islamic militia had earlier in the year planned to go to Maluku and assist Muslims there in their communal conflict with the Christians. Wahid had ordered military to block Laskar Jihad from going to Maluku, but nevertheless they still made it to Maluku and they were then being armed with what turned out to be military weapons.
Buloggate and Bruneigate
2000 saw Wahid embroiled in two scandals which would damage his Presidency. In May, the State Logistics Agency (BULOG) reported that US$4 million was missing from its cash reserve. The missing cash was then attributed to Wahid's own masseur who had claimed that Wahid sent him to Bulog to collect the cash. Although the money was returned, Wahid's opponents took the chance of accusing him of being involved in the scandal and of being aware of what his masseur was up to. At the same time, Wahid was also accused of keeping US$2 million for himself. The money was a donation by the Sultan of Brunei to provide assistance in Aceh. However, Wahid failed to account for the money.
Impeachment
By the end of 2000, there were many within the political elite who were disillusioned with Wahid. The most obvious person who showed this disillusion was Amien Rais who showed regret at supporting Wahid to the Presidency the previous year. Amien also attempted to rally opposition by encouraging Megawati and Akbar to flex their political muscles. Megawati surprisingly defended Wahid whilst Akbar preferred to wait for the 2004 Legislative Elections. At the end of November, 151 DPR members signed a petition calling for the impeachment of Wahid.
In January 2001, Wahid made the announcement that Chinese New Year was to become an optional holiday. Wahid followed this up in February by lifting the ban on the display of Chinese characters and the importing of Chinese publications. In February, Wahid visited Northern Africa as well as Saudi Arabia to undertake the hajj pilgrimage. Wahid made his last overseas visit in June 2001 when he visited Australia.
At meeting with university rectors on 27 January 2001, Wahid commented on the possibility of Indonesia descending into anarchy. Wahid then made the suggestion that he may be forced to dissolve the DPR if that happened. Although the meeting was off-the-record, it caused quite a stir and added to the fuel of the movement against him. On 1 February, the DPR met to issue a memorandum against Wahid. Two memorandums constitutes an MPR Special Session where the impeachment and removal of a President would be legal. The vote was overwhelmingly for the memorandum and PKB members could only walk out in protest. The memorandum caused widespread protests by NU members. In East Java, NU members went attacked Golkar's regional offices. In Jakarta, Wahid's opposition began accusing him of encouraging the protests. Wahid denied it and went to talk to the protesters at the town of Pasuruan, encouraging them to get off the streets. Nevertheless, NU protesters continued to show their support for Wahid and in April, made the announcement that they were ready to defend and die for the president.
In March, Wahid tried to counter the opposition by moving against dissidents within his own cabinet. Minister of Justice Yusril Ihza Mahendra was removed for making public his demands for the President's resignation while Minister of Forestry Nurmahmudi Ismail was also removed under the suspicion of chanelling his department's funds to Wahid's opposition. In response to this, Megawati began to distance herself and did not show up for the inauguration of the Ministers' replacement. On 30 April, the DPR issued a second memorandum and on the next day called for an MPR Special Session to be held on 1 August.
By July, Wahid grew desperate and ordered Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security to declare a State of Emergency. Yudhoyono refused and Wahid removed him from his position. Finally on 20 July, Amien declared that the MPR Special Session will be brought forward to 23 July. TNI, having had a bad relationship with Wahid through his tenure as President, stationed 40,000 troops in Jakarta and placed tanks with their turrets pointing at the Presidential Palace in a show of force. On 23 July, the MPR unanimously voted to impeach Wahid and to replace him with Megawati as President. Wahid continued to insist that he was the President and stayed for some days in the Presidential Palace but bowed down to reality and left the residence on 25 July to immediately fly overseas to America for health treatment.
Megawati presidency (2001–2004)
Under Megawati Sukarnoputri, the process of democratic reform begun under Habibie and Wahid continued, albeit slowly and erratically. Megawati appeared to see her role mainly as a symbol of national unity, and she rarely actively intervened in government business. Under her tenure, the Kabinet Gotong Royong (Mutual Assistance Cabinet) helped govern the country. It included Megawati's successor, the retired General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The military, disgraced at the time of Suharto's fall, regained much of its influence. Corruption continued to be pervasive, though Megawati herself was seldom blamed for this.
Some Indonesian scholars explained Megawati's apparent passivity in office by reference to Javanese mythology. Megawati, they said, saw her father, Sukarno, as a "Good King" of Javanese legend. Suharto was the "Bad Prince" who had usurped the Good King's throne. Megawati was the Avenging Daughter who overthrew the Bad Prince and regained the Good King's throne. Once this had been achieved, they said, Megawati was content to reign as the Good Queen and leave the business of government to others[citation needed]. Some prominent critics such as Benedict Anderson jokingly referred to the president as "Miniwati."
Although by 2004 Indonesia's economy had stabilized and partly recovered from the 1997 crisis, unemployment and poverty remained high. The Indonesian Constitution was amended to provide for the direct election of the President, and Megawati stood for a second term. She consistently trailed in the opinion polls, due in part to the preference for male candidates among Muslim voters, and in part due to what was widely seen as a mediocre performance in office. Despite a somewhat better than expected performance in the first round of the elections, in the second round she was defeated by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Yudhoyono presidency (2004–present)
Two months after Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono assumed office, the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami struck in the province of Aceh and many other countries along the Indian Ocean coastline. Three months later, an aftershock of the earthquake which triggered the tsunami occurred in Nias Island. In 2006, Mount Merapi erupted and this was followed by an earthquake that struck Yogyakarta.
Indonesia also suffered a small outbreak of bird flu and endured the Sidoarjo mud flow. In 2007 severe floods struck Jakarta. Yudhoyono allowed Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso to open the Manggarai watergate with the risk of flooding the Presidential Palace.
On October 1, 2005, suicide bombings occurred on the island of Bali. The attacks bear the hallmarks of the militant Islamic group Jemaah Islamiah (JI) -- a group with links to Al-Qaeda -- though the police investigation is ongoing. This group was also responsible for the 2002 Bali bombing. Yudhoyono condemned the attack, promising to "hunt down the perpetrators and bring them to justice.".
In 2005, the economic growth was 5.6% which decreased to 5.4% in 2006 Inflation reached 17.11% in 2005 but decreased to 6.6% in 2006.[citation needed] Yudhoyono also allocated more funds in an effort to further decrease poverty. In 2004, 11 trillion rupiah was set aside, increasing to 23 trillion in 2005 and 42 trillion in 2006. For 2007, 51 trillion was allocated. In March 2005 and again in October 2005, Yudhoyono made the unpopular decision to cut fuel subsidies, leading to increases in fuel prices of 29% and 125% respectively. The poor were somewhat compensated by the Direct Cash Assistance (BLT), but the subsidy cutting damaged Yudhoyono's popularity. In May 2008, rising oil prices contributed to Yudhoyono's decision to again cut fuel subsidies, which were the subject of protests in May and June 2008.
In 2009, Yudhoyono was elected again in 2009 Presidential Election along with Boediono, former Governor of Bank Indonesia. They defeated 2 candidates: Megawati Soekarnoputri - Prabowo Subianto and incumbent vice president, Jusuf Kalla - Wiranto. Yudhoyono - Boediono win the election with more than 60% votes of nationwide in the first round.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Post-Suharto_Era
Perbedaan sistem politik di berbagai Negara
• Sistem Politik Di Negara Komunis
Bercirikan pemerintahan yang sentralistik, peniadaan hak milk pribadi,peniadaan hak-haak sipil dan politik, tidak adanya mekanisme pemilu yang terbuka,tidak adanya oposisi, serta terdapat pembatasan terhadap arus informasi dankebebasan berpendapat
• Sistem Politik Di Negara Liberal
Bercirikan adanya kebebasan berpikir bagi tiap individu atau kelompok;pembatasan kekuasaan; khususnya dari pemerintah dan agama; penegakan hukum;pertukaran gagasan yang bebas; sistem pemerintahan yang transparan yangdidalamnya terdapat jaminan hak-hak kaum minoritas
• Sistem Politik Demokrasi Di Indonesia
Sistem politik yang didasarkan pada nilai, prinsip, prosedur, dan kelembagaan yang demokratis. Adapun sendi-sendi pokok dari sistem politik demokrasi di Indonesia adalah :
1. Ide kedaulatan rakyat
2. Negara berdasarkan atas hukum
3. Bentuk Republik
4. Pemerintahan berdasarkan konstitusi
5. Pemerintahan yang bertanggung jawab
6. Sistem Pemilihan langsung
7. Sistem pemerintahan presidensiil
Bercirikan pemerintahan yang sentralistik, peniadaan hak milk pribadi,peniadaan hak-haak sipil dan politik, tidak adanya mekanisme pemilu yang terbuka,tidak adanya oposisi, serta terdapat pembatasan terhadap arus informasi dankebebasan berpendapat
• Sistem Politik Di Negara Liberal
Bercirikan adanya kebebasan berpikir bagi tiap individu atau kelompok;pembatasan kekuasaan; khususnya dari pemerintah dan agama; penegakan hukum;pertukaran gagasan yang bebas; sistem pemerintahan yang transparan yangdidalamnya terdapat jaminan hak-hak kaum minoritas
• Sistem Politik Demokrasi Di Indonesia
Sistem politik yang didasarkan pada nilai, prinsip, prosedur, dan kelembagaan yang demokratis. Adapun sendi-sendi pokok dari sistem politik demokrasi di Indonesia adalah :
1. Ide kedaulatan rakyat
2. Negara berdasarkan atas hukum
3. Bentuk Republik
4. Pemerintahan berdasarkan konstitusi
5. Pemerintahan yang bertanggung jawab
6. Sistem Pemilihan langsung
7. Sistem pemerintahan presidensiil
5 Kapabilitas Penilaian Prestasi Sistem Politik
Terdapat 5 kapabilitas yang menjadi penilaian prestasi sebuah sistem politik :
1.Kapabilitas Ekstraktif, yaitu kemampuan Sumber daya alam dan sumber dayamanusia. Kemampuan SDA biasanya masih bersifat potensial sampai kemudiandigunakan secara maksimal oleh pemerintah. Seperti pengelolaan minyak tanah,pertambangan yang ketika datang para penanam modal domestik itu akanmemberikan pemasukan bagi pemerintah berupa pajak. Pajak inilah yangkemudian menghidupkan negara.
2.Kapabilitas Distributif. SDA yang dimiliki oleh masyarakat dan negara diolahsedemikian rupa untuk dapat didistribusikan secara merata, misalkan sepertisembako yang diharuskan dapat merata distribusinya keseluruh masyarakat.Demikian pula dengan pajak sebagai pemasukan negara itu harus kembalididistribusikan dari pemerintah pusat ke pemerintah daerah.
3.Kapabilitas Regulatif (pengaturan). Dalam menyelenggaran pengawasan tingkahlaku individu dan kelompok maka dibutuhkan adanya pengaturan. Regulasiindividu sering memunculkan benturan pendapat. Seperti ketika pemerintahmembutuhkan maka kemudian regulasi diperketat, hal ini mengakibatkanketerlibatan masyarakat terkekang.
4.Kapabilitas simbolik, artinya kemampuan pemerintah dalam berkreasi dan secaraselektif membuat kebijakan yang akan diterima oleh rakyat. Semakin diterimakebijakan yang dibuat pemerintah maka semakin baik kapabilitas simbolik sistem.
5.Kapabilitas responsif, dalam proses politik terdapat hubungan antara input danoutput, output berupa kebijakan pemerintah sejauh mana dipengaruhi olehmasukan atau adanya partisipasi masyarakat sebagai inputnya akan menjadiukuran kapabilitas responsif. kapabilitas dalam negeri dan internasional. Sebuahnegara tidak bisa sendirian hidup dalam dunia yang mengglobal saat ini, bahkansekarang banyak negara yang memiliki kapabilitas ekstraktif berupa perdaganganinternasional. Minimal dalam kapabilitas internasional ini negara kaya atau berkuasa (superpower) memberikan hibah (grants) dan pinjaman (loan) kepada negara-negara berkembang.
1.Kapabilitas Ekstraktif, yaitu kemampuan Sumber daya alam dan sumber dayamanusia. Kemampuan SDA biasanya masih bersifat potensial sampai kemudiandigunakan secara maksimal oleh pemerintah. Seperti pengelolaan minyak tanah,pertambangan yang ketika datang para penanam modal domestik itu akanmemberikan pemasukan bagi pemerintah berupa pajak. Pajak inilah yangkemudian menghidupkan negara.
2.Kapabilitas Distributif. SDA yang dimiliki oleh masyarakat dan negara diolahsedemikian rupa untuk dapat didistribusikan secara merata, misalkan sepertisembako yang diharuskan dapat merata distribusinya keseluruh masyarakat.Demikian pula dengan pajak sebagai pemasukan negara itu harus kembalididistribusikan dari pemerintah pusat ke pemerintah daerah.
3.Kapabilitas Regulatif (pengaturan). Dalam menyelenggaran pengawasan tingkahlaku individu dan kelompok maka dibutuhkan adanya pengaturan. Regulasiindividu sering memunculkan benturan pendapat. Seperti ketika pemerintahmembutuhkan maka kemudian regulasi diperketat, hal ini mengakibatkanketerlibatan masyarakat terkekang.
4.Kapabilitas simbolik, artinya kemampuan pemerintah dalam berkreasi dan secaraselektif membuat kebijakan yang akan diterima oleh rakyat. Semakin diterimakebijakan yang dibuat pemerintah maka semakin baik kapabilitas simbolik sistem.
5.Kapabilitas responsif, dalam proses politik terdapat hubungan antara input danoutput, output berupa kebijakan pemerintah sejauh mana dipengaruhi olehmasukan atau adanya partisipasi masyarakat sebagai inputnya akan menjadiukuran kapabilitas responsif. kapabilitas dalam negeri dan internasional. Sebuahnegara tidak bisa sendirian hidup dalam dunia yang mengglobal saat ini, bahkansekarang banyak negara yang memiliki kapabilitas ekstraktif berupa perdaganganinternasional. Minimal dalam kapabilitas internasional ini negara kaya atau berkuasa (superpower) memberikan hibah (grants) dan pinjaman (loan) kepada negara-negara berkembang.
Directorial system
A Directorial Republic is a country ruled by a College of several people which jointly exercise the powers of Head of State. This system of government is in contrast both with presidential republics and parliamentary republics. In political history, the term Directory, in French Directoire, applies to high collegial institutions of state composed of members styled director. The most important of these by far was the French Directory. However, France also imposed this form of government on conquered regions of Europe
Nowadays, the sole country using this form of government is Switzerland, where directories rule all levels of administration, federal, cantonal and municipal. If the Swiss Federal Council is appointed by the Parliament for 4 years (but it can't be dismissed), direct popular elections are used at local level. In past, Uruguay and Yugoslavia (after Tito's death) were ruled by directories. The government of the Soviet Union could in some ways be characterized as a directory, but developed in a much different pattern discussed in the article on Communist states.
Nowadays, the sole country using this form of government is Switzerland, where directories rule all levels of administration, federal, cantonal and municipal. If the Swiss Federal Council is appointed by the Parliament for 4 years (but it can't be dismissed), direct popular elections are used at local level. In past, Uruguay and Yugoslavia (after Tito's death) were ruled by directories. The government of the Soviet Union could in some ways be characterized as a directory, but developed in a much different pattern discussed in the article on Communist states.
Dictatorship
A government controlled by one person, or a small group of people. In this form of government the power rests entirely on the person or group of people, and can be obtained by force or by inheritance. The dictator(s) may also take away much of its peoples' freedom.
In the twentieth century and early twenty-first century, hereditary dictatorship remained a relatively common phenomenon.
For some scholars, dictatorship is a form of government that has the power to govern without consent of those being governed (similar to authoritarianism), while totalitarianism describes a state that regulates nearly every aspect of public and private behavior of the people. In other words, dictatorship concerns the source of the governing power (where the power comes from) and totalitarianism concerns the scope of the governing power (what is the government). In this sense, dictatorship (government without people's consent) is a contrast to democracy (government whose power comes from people) and totalitarianism (government controls every aspect of people's life) opposes pluralism (government allows multiple lifestyles and opinions). Though the definitions of the terms differ, they are related in reality as most of the dictatorship states tend to show totalitarian characteristics. When governments' power does not come from the people, their power is not limited and tend to expand their scope of power to control every aspect of people's life.
In the twentieth century and early twenty-first century, hereditary dictatorship remained a relatively common phenomenon.
For some scholars, dictatorship is a form of government that has the power to govern without consent of those being governed (similar to authoritarianism), while totalitarianism describes a state that regulates nearly every aspect of public and private behavior of the people. In other words, dictatorship concerns the source of the governing power (where the power comes from) and totalitarianism concerns the scope of the governing power (what is the government). In this sense, dictatorship (government without people's consent) is a contrast to democracy (government whose power comes from people) and totalitarianism (government controls every aspect of people's life) opposes pluralism (government allows multiple lifestyles and opinions). Though the definitions of the terms differ, they are related in reality as most of the dictatorship states tend to show totalitarian characteristics. When governments' power does not come from the people, their power is not limited and tend to expand their scope of power to control every aspect of people's life.
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